“The path is difficult, the situation is complex, but our will to overcome is unwavering” 

(Shorthand version – Presidency of the Republic)

Dear Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, leader of the Cuban Revolution;
Dear members of the National Assembly:
I would like to begin my remarks today, on Martyrs’ Day, with the Assembly’s well-deserved tribute to Commander of the Revolution Ramiro Valdés Menéndez, a member of this Legislature and of all previous ones since the founding of Parliament in 1976 (Applause).
Ramiro, a symbol of the Centennial Generation, is one of the paragons of the Revolution alongside Fidel, Raúl, Che Guevara, Almeida, Guillermo, and others—a list that would be endless—who serve as beacons of an invaluable legacy of ethical, moral, and patriotic values and qualities that demand our full attention at such a crucial moment for our nation.
Like his comrades from that historic generation—whose legacy we are honored and committed to carrying forward—Ramiro leaves us an extraordinary legacy: devoted body and soul to the great cause he helped found, working and fighting until his last breath. He confirms for us that for a revolutionary there is no rest, neither in action nor in the dreams that inspire that action.  An example of humility, he embodies that idea of José Martí—so deeply embraced by Fidel—that "all the glory of the world fits into a grain of corn." He promoted unity around the Party, always practiced unwavering firmness in the face of imperialism, and took to heart Che Guevara’s great warning that imperialism cannot be trusted—not even a little bit. 
I do not speak of Ramiro in the past tense, because there can be no farewell for him.  I recall his example among us —servants of the people and defenders of the Revolution— to highlight the significance of his work, but above all for the inspiration he leaves us in the face of today’s colossal challenges.
Comrades:
The months that have passed between the previous Regular Session, in December 2025, and the one we are now closing have been marked by an extremely complex and threatening scenario, reminiscent of a besieged fortress.
Since the treacherous military aggression against Venezuela and the kidnapping of its legitimate President on January 3rd of this year, the concept of a world based on laws is being completely erased, threatening to transform the planet into a far more anarchic and insecure place than it already was as a consequence of the ferocious advance of neoliberal capitalism.
The neo-fascist regime currently in power in the United States is shamelessly repeating some of the horrors unleashed by German fascism in its expansionist zeal during the first half of the 20th century.
The points of convergence between these two regimes are becoming increasingly alarmingly dangerous for the fate of humanity and world peace.
Xenophobia, nationalist exceptionalism, lies as an instrument of domination, the cult of personality, the proscription of opposing ideologies, the trampling of cultures, the conquest of territories and the plundering of their natural resources, or the collective punishment of large human populations do not distinguish, but rather increasingly link Hitlerian fascism with which it is showing signs of re-emergence.
Let us not forget that a part of the world looked the other way as the horrors of the genocide unfolded in Gaza, and history will forever remember the impunity and cruelty with which this people are still being massacred and their culture is being threatened.
United Nations agencies estimate that between 75,000 and 90,000 inhabitants of the Gaza Strip lost their lives as a result of the war. Around 60% of the victims are innocent women and children, in addition to the more than 10,000 who remain missing under the rubble of bombed buildings.
Not satisfied with their depravity, the perpetrators of this crime caused a population displacement of almost 2 million people to a small strip of land measuring approximately 35 to 40 square kilometers, raising the population density to extreme levels of between 30,000 and 40,000 people per square kilometer—something unsustainable in terms of shelter, water, sanitation, and healthcare.
It is essential and urgent to recognize the gravity of the situation: any of our nations could become Gaza again.
While this genocide has not entirely ceased, there is an attempt to repeat it against more than 9 million Cubans through an economic blockade and an energy embargo, which have brought the suffering of the Cuban people to extreme levels, practically incompatible with the basic needs of modern life.
The cynical and deceitful architects of this criminal policy deny the energy embargo. They do not mention the Executive Order signed by the US President on January 29th, 2026, in which he threatens to penalize any nation that supplies fuel to Cuba.
This action is part of the U.S. government's demonstrated ability to subdue the will of sovereign states through coercion and intimidation using trade tariffs, which forces virtually all countries to participate, voluntarily or involuntarily, in the economic embargo against Cuba.
Due to this arbitrary decision, Cuba has only received one fuel ship in the last seven months.
The economic and social implications of this collective punishment are unbearable.
The blockade on the import of diesel or fuel oil has prevented the National Electrical System from having approximately 1,400 megawatts available each day for distributed generation, which had received significant investment in recent months for its recovery and optimization.
While it is true that this capacity would not have completely eliminated the current, extremely troublesome blackouts, it is obvious that their duration would have been considerably reduced.
The electrical disruptions to Cuban homes, as a consequence of the oil blockade, cause other major problems for Cuban families, such as the interruption of water pumping, prolonging the supply cycles of this essential resource.
Faced with the lack of fuels and lubricants, we have seen agricultural harvests and planting for the coming months significantly impacted. Most industrial production processes have also been paralyzed.
Tourism, the most dynamic generator of new revenue, is seriously affected by the persecution of international markets, the lack of fuel for international aviation, and the threats to hotel companies operating in Cuba.
The healthcare system, its intensive care units, and the increasingly limited surgical procedures are under the constant threat of blackouts that endanger patients' lives.
To all this must be added the weeks and months of waiting in international ports for thousands of containers with medical supplies, food, photovoltaic equipment, parts and materials to repair power plants, among other resources essential for sustaining the country's vitality. All of this is due to threats against shipping companies, the same companies that transport imports for the private sector, such as raw materials and basic necessities, which they sell directly in the domestic market.
I have only mentioned some of the effects on the economy and society of this fascist blockade, which leaves no doubt about the perversity and contempt with which the United States treats the Cuban people, with the extreme cruelty with which it attempts to subdue and use them in its effort to overthrow the Revolution.
Cuban medical collaboration is being targeted, based on repugnant falsehoods, to cut off a vital source of funding that sustained the public, free, and universal healthcare system. The effects of these measures are becoming increasingly acute with the shortage of supplies and resources essential to this vital sector of Cuban healthcare.
But the imperialists are not satisfied with the energy blockade or cutting off our legitimate sources of income; they also persecute, attack, and coerce any form of foreign investment and trade.
The Executive Order of May 1st, 2026, threatens foreign individuals and companies, regardless of their country of origin, with secondary sanctions on their personal accounts, visas to the United States, and other consequences if they maintain any type of commercial ties with Cuba.
We are witnessing the most extensive and profound expression of a ruthless effort by the world's greatest power to disconnect the economy of a small island nation from the rest of the world.
While this genocide against the Cuban people is underway, its perpetrators brazenly lie to the world, denying their crimes.
They lie with such audacity that they are not even capable of justifying or convincing their lies to representatives of that nation in the federal Congress. Recently, the honest concerns of some members of Congress who refuse to be complicit in this crime have gone viral on social media. They question the blockade and the threats of aggression against Cuba with a decorum that is sorely lacking in the would-be Führers of the current administration.
The admirable stance of these legislators, as well as that of The People’s Forum, Pastors for Peace, Code Pink, and other U.S. organizations that have stood in solidarity with Cuba for decades, reminds us of the moving reflections that the support of the noblest among the American people always provoked in Fidel. Knowing the truth, the American people will undoubtedly be on the right side.
The blockade, according to our calculations and those of international organizations, has cost Cuba a cumulative total of more than 150 billion dollars. This is not an abstract figure; it is reflected in every aspect of our daily lives.
The special session of the United Nations General Assembly, held on July 7th, demonstrated the international community's widespread condemnation of this aggressive policy. The United States attempt to prevent the debate was overwhelmingly rejected with a vote of 136 to 9.
And to the same extent that the empire lies and manipulates, it boasts of its aid to the Cuban people. There can be no greater cynicism and malice than depriving a people of the satisfaction of their most pressing needs, and then boasting of aid that in no way covers the enormous daily cost generated by the genocidal siege of the island.
Can anyone truly believe that this plan of collective suffocation is merely a surgical strike against the government and its leaders? The facts clearly demonstrate that its objectives are to provoke social unrest, divide, and strike at the very core of the Cuban people.
As historians and analysts have noted, the United States' plan against Cuba is comparable, in its objectives and perversity, only to Weyler's reconcentration policy, which decimated the Cuban population through starvation. We come from that history, and from the will to win as well!
Fellow Cubans:
Given the complex scenario I have described, how can we persist in building socialism, how can we find the material and financial resources to maintain the social gains of the Revolution? Just as in previous, particularly complex periods, such as the Special Period, when, under the leadership of the Commander-in-Chief and later the General of the Army, the economic model was transformed to adapt to challenging external circumstances, in the current context we have set out to undertake the transformations that the moment demands, under the leadership of the Party, in a collegial and democratic manner, in consultation with the people, without compromising independence, national sovereignty, or the social gains of the Revolution.
The 176 measures approved for Economic and Social Transformation are fully consistent with the Guidelines for Economic and Social Policy approved in 2011 at the 6th Party Congress.
Furthermore, they reflect the popular opinion gathered in the thousands of assemblies held throughout the country, when the Government Program, already approved by this Parliament in December, was put to a vote at the end of 2025.
In the days following their approval, we have been attentive to public opinion regarding these reforms and have engaged in discussions with colleagues from various institutions. Therefore, we are aware of legitimate and frank concerns about the limits on the growth of private capital, the concentration of wealth and capital in the hands of a single individual, issues related to surface rights, usufruct, and real estate transactions, the potential privatization of state-owned enterprises, the widening and normalization of inequality, the elimination of subsidies for essential services, transparency in asset bidding processes, the role of the market, the potential ideological impact of capitalist relations, and the lack of mechanisms for popular participation and oversight to combat negative effects and corruption. All of these issues require close attention to prevent distortions.
The transformations we are implementing today are not intended to further capitalism, but rather to defend and advance socialist construction; a socialism that places human beings at the center of its endeavor.
Popular participation and control are not relics of the past; they constitute a permanent line of work and cannot remain merely a slogan. In the immediate future, we will engage in a process of discussion within the Party structures with the workers to argue, clarify, convene, contribute, optimize, and make corrections as we go, in real time.
The effective implementation of these transformations is a strategic priority for the nation, and we must all understand it as such, with a sense of national responsibility. They entail changes that are not without risks, but embracing a challenge is the first step to overcoming it.
Implementing them requires a gradual approach, learning, and an awareness that something may not go perfectly from the outset. However, everything will be resolved if we maintain a constant willingness to rectify, modify, and adjust everything necessary, promptly and without bureaucratization.
At this point, I want to acknowledge the thorough and agile work of the various groups involved, both in developing the content of the transformations and their legislative underpinnings. Thanks to this, we can now say that 120 of them are ready for implementation.
We have prioritized those that promote the liberation of productive forces, those that strengthen the state and non-state business system as a whole within our Economic and Social Model, fostering harmonious relationships among them, as well as those that facilitate the autonomy of municipalities and socialist state enterprises.
If we work well, we can immediately reactivate a group of productions and services that directly benefit the people, with a greater supply and a better relationship between wages and prices, as well as increase exports and the much-needed foreign exchange earnings.
To this end, we will promote incentives for investment, economic partnerships between the state, private, and cooperative sectors, and alliances that allow us to leverage currently underutilized capabilities and potential.
This is a collective effort aimed at achieving greater social protection, and this demands maximum discipline with maximum efficiency.
This Assembly has taken a fundamental step by approving five legal regulations that support more than twenty ongoing transformations. The approval and immediate implementation of these regulations responds to the principle of building everything with legal certainty, as a guarantee for those who undertake these processes. This is a phase in which we cannot stagnate and in which we must continue to move forward.
Many will ask themselves in the neighborhood, in the queue, in the field, in the workshop: what do these regulations offer in the face of the deficiencies we face? The answer is clear: they are the legal shield for the daily heroism of our people. They are not impersonal regulations; they are the engine of the transformations necessary for prosperity. They are the instrument that transforms creative resistance into tangible victory, protecting hard-won rights while forging new paths toward the future.
They represent the necessary balance to preserve the social gains that define us as a Revolution, while opening spaces for the initiative and creativity that the Cuban economy needs to thrive. It is, ultimately, what Fidel called "changing everything that needs to be changed." All this legislative effort would be meaningless without the daily heroism of the people to whom we belong.
As we have already stated, and I want to reiterate categorically once again: these transformations are not being adopted to appease the United States, nor do they respond to any demands arising from the limited dialogue process we have conducted during this period. They are the fruit of a sovereign decision by Cuba (Applause).
For their implementation, it is crucial to develop the concept of genuine People's Power, which implies accountability, community-based action to solve problems, transparency, participatory budgeting, broad worker management in their workplaces, popular oversight, spaces for public debate, the integration of all economic actors in local and territorial development strategies, and the dissemination of best practices in community work.
It will not be enough to have general direction from the central level, nor coordination at the provincial level. What will be decisive is achieving effective operational implementation at the territorial and community levels.
I want to emphasize the importance of decentralizing the economic powers granted to the provinces, but particularly to the municipalities. Let no one expect a magic solution from the outside. Everything depends, first and foremost, on ourselves, on our own efforts, and on all those who wish to join us.
We must break the inertia, overcome obstacles, change mindsets, eliminate sterile bureaucracy, and resolutely confront corruption as quickly as possible.
I repeat, economic and social recovery must go hand in hand. To be clearer, the gradual economic recovery must lead us, to the same degree, to social recovery, prioritizing the most vulnerable and those sectors with the greatest needs.
In other words, economic efficiency must serve social justice, which encapsulates much of the meaning of the Revolution and its commitment to the people.
We are not going to establish predatory capitalism or a massive privatization of national assets, as some fear. Nothing could be further from the purpose of these transformations.
There will be no privatization of health, education, science, culture, or strategic services for the nation, and this must be made perfectly clear. What exists is the political will to recover them all, to generate income and wealth to bring them to higher levels of quality, free of charge and universally accessible.
In this complex process of strategic importance for the nation, the vanguard role of the Communist Party of Cuba, as the leading force of society and the State, will be crucial.
It demands updating and innovating what is related to the role of the Party, the membership and the militant in the socialist state enterprise, in private companies and in the community, in addition to stimulating and promoting the development of continuous theoretical and practical debate spaces on everyday problems and perfecting and updating the dynamics of operation of mass and social organizations.
An increasingly high ethical standard is imperative for all of us who hold leadership positions, guiding every decision we make.
This Assembly represents our heroic people. It is the institutionalized voice of a nation that does not kneel, does not bend, and does not surrender. (Applause)

When Martí wrote that the Homeland is human or it is not, he was not asking for a State that governs over the people, but for a State that governs from the people. This Assembly must be the embodiment of that dream; it is, and it will continue to be. (Applause)
I take this opportunity to highlight experiences we have observed during our visits and exchanges in communities, municipalities, and provinces over these past months and weeks.
In the complex energy landscape we are experiencing, the number of state and private entities incorporating renewable energy sources into their processes has increased, and many have even provided these services to the population.
Progress is being made at the local level to ensure that key economic and social objectives operate using renewable energy sources, based on a national government program, but also with the participation and contributions of various management entities.
Regarding the water supply, so critical these days, recognition should be given to state-owned and private companies that have made their resources available to several communities for water transportation. Furthermore, there are initiatives underway to create new reservoirs. Similar approaches, albeit on a limited scale, are being implemented in solid waste collection in several communities.
In another particularly complex matter, the availability of cash, which primarily affects payments to workers and, most critically, to retirees, solutions are being pursued with the participation of state entities using their supplementary funds and non-state entities that have offered their support in this endeavor.
I also want to highlight the improved situation of the Family Care System, thanks to structural renovations and improvements in its food service for the most vulnerable, in which various economic actors have also been involved.
The support for the more than 32 social programs aimed at assisting vulnerable individuals and families is having a positive impact, fostering a sense of collective solidarity at the community level, which we must acknowledge, encourage, and expand.
We have many areas for improvement, which will persist until we alleviate the difficult conditions we are currently experiencing; however, there are also positive experiences that are contributing to the system and which we have a duty to share.
It is only fair to acknowledge the intensity of the work carried out at the neighborhood and people's council level during these difficult months, with the direct participation of the cadres of the Party, the State, the Government, the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior, the Union of Young Communists, the mass and social organizations, the business and administrative systems, even until late at night and in the early hours of the morning.
Members of Parliament:
The Revolution is under military threat from the fascist regime in the United States, which, as we have warned and maintain, would only bring terrible and unpredictable consequences for regional peace and an unnecessary cost in the lives of Cubans and Americans, something we never desire.
There is nothing, absolutely nothing, that justifies either the aggression or the threats. The plans against Cuba are based on false premises and fueled by the most blatant lies and manipulations.
With just as many, if not more, lies, they are trying to construct a pretext for military aggression against Cuba, based on the ridiculous and pathetic narrative that this small, underdeveloped island is a threat to the national security of the United States.
This is how the empire operates: it not only destroys, but also constructs the discursive apparatus to make the destruction seem deserved and inevitable.
Faced with this potential scenario, we will not remain impassive. We do not want a war with the United States; we are a people of peace.
The United States Government is fully aware of Cuba's willingness to find, through dialogue, a solution to bilateral differences and to move towards a relationship of understanding based on respect for our sovereign rights.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, a palpable political shift toward the extreme right is evident. The promising advances achieved in recent decades in defense of sovereign rights and in favor of regional integration and cooperation have given way to manifestations of subordination, under the pressure of U.S. imperialism, submission to the interests of a great power, and the predisposition of right-wing elitist governments that have surrendered to transnational capital, divorced from the needs of their people.
Even in this context, we have the support and solidarity of the Latin American and Caribbean peoples, and we enjoy fraternal relations with several of the region's governments.
Over our hemisphere, and driven by reactionary and ultraconservative sectors in the United States, the old shadows of McCarthyism and the Cold War loom. History is well known, however much some may try to conceal it. The human cost in repression, murder, disappearances, and shattered lives under the yoke of the fascist and oppressive dictatorships that flourished in the region during that period should serve as a lesson for new generations.
Recently, we have seen efforts to criminalize Cuba’s genuine history of solidarity with just causes and peoples aspiring to a better world, as well as to target the open expressions of solidarity, friendship, and support for Cuba from all corners of the globe, including the United States.
The propaganda pamphlet published by the State Department declaring Cuba the capital of 21st-century communism is the latest attempt to rewrite history.
In the face of these new plans, we firmly reaffirm that nothing will divert us from our embraced commitment to solidarity, internationalism, and anti-imperialism (Applause). These principles are part of our identity, as is our dedication to building relations of friendship and cooperation with all countries and peoples.
Comrades;
Beloved people of Cuba:
The path is difficult, the situation is complex, but our will to overcome is unwavering (Applause). We are not a nation in dispute, nor a colony; we are a sovereign people who have decided our own destiny (Applause).
History has taught us that, in the darkest moments, when the empire tightens its grip and the difficulties seem insurmountable, the Cuban people find in their unity the strength to prevail.
This is what Fidel bequeathed to us: the conviction that there is no situation, however complicated it may seem, without a possible solution. And we find that solution when we unite intelligence with heart, when we work with dedication.
We are just days away from a date of profound significance for Cuban revolutionaries and revolutionaries worldwide: the Centennial of the Commander-in-Chief.
As I prepared these closing remarks for this session, which will undoubtedly prove historic if we successfully complete the transformations underway, I reflected on Fidel's extraordinary enduring presence. Ten years after his death, he continues to call upon us, to challenge us, to urge us to change everything that needs changing, by ourselves and through our own efforts.
But we already knew that. What is truly transcendent is the way in which his enemies, those who organized more attacks on Fidel's life than against any other world leader, continue to point to the Commander in Chief as the guide of the world left, the same one that they say no longer exists (Applause).
The imperialist gentlemen are not wrong in that. Fidel's ideas are springing up with surprising vitality among people of all generations, from all continents and from the most diverse political schools. Fidel is no longer just ours, he grows and multiplies.
Fidel lives and promises to continue fighting battles for a better world! (Applause.)
Long live Fidel and Raúl! (Exclamations of: "Long live!")
Eternal glory to the martyrs of the country! (Exclamations of: "Glory!")
Long live free Cuba! (Exclamations of: "Long live!")
Socialism or Death!
Homeland or Death!
We will win! (Exclamations of: "We will win!")
(Ovation.)